Every living being has a specific purpose for its existence.
In this essay, we argue that stories about one's experiences, and the experiences of others, are the fundamental constituents of human memory, knowledge, and social communication. This argument includes three propositions: Further, shared story memories within social groups define particular social selves, which may bolster or compete with individual remembered selves.
Our style of presentation is discursive and probably prone to overstatement, as we seek to emphasize the differences between our position and competing views in cognitive psychology and cognitive science.
Where suggestive empirical research is Eat memory orange crush, we adduce it. However, we do not believe that a definitive body of empirical evidence is presently available on one side or another, and we have not attempted to fashion a fully data-based theory here.
In the first major section, we lay out the shape of our overall argument. In following sections, we discuss each of our premises in more detail. They have told stories around the campfire, they have traveled from town to town telling stories to relate the news of the day, they have told stories transmitted by electronic means to passive audiences incapable of doing anything but listening and watching.
Whatever the means, and whatever the venue, story telling seems to play a major role in human interaction. However, the role of story telling and story understanding is far more significant in human memory than simply being an example of one kind of human interaction.
The reason that humans constantly relate stories to each other is that stories is all they have to relate. Or, to put this another way, when it comes to interaction in language, all of our knowledge is contained in stories and the mechanisms to construct them and retrieve them.
Philosophers, psychologists, artificial intelligence types, and occasionally even linguists concern themselves with discussions of "knowledge. But, with the exception of one part of the AI community, the subject of how people use what they know rarely comes up.
It is in this discussion of the use of knowledge that the idea of knowledge as stories becomes significant. Simply put, humans engage in two broad classes of actions involving language that depend upon knowledge.
They try to comprehend what is going on around them and refer to what they already know in order to make sense of new input. And, they attempt to tell things to others, again referring to what they already know in order to do so.
Knowledge is Functional It is important to recognize that knowledge is functional; it is structured not to satisfy an elegant logic, but to facilitate daily use. However, when we say that all knowledge is encoded as stories plus mechanisms to process themwe must deal in our analysis with bits of apparent knowledge that don't seem to be stories, such "Whales are mammals," "I was born in New York," or "Stanford is in California.
The idea that knowledge is inherently functional, that it exists to be used for some purpose, imposes a constraint on how we talk about knowledge in this essay. We do not talk about what people know, but about the processes they engage in that utilize what they know.
To this end, we can ask what people do that utilizes knowledge. Here are some of these things: In each and every one of the situations listed above, the knowledge that people use to help them is encoded in the form of stories.
The stories behind "facts" When we find ourselves saying that "I was born in New York" we could be doing so for any of the reasons for talking stated above.
We could be answering a question. We could be prefacing some advice that we are about to give perhaps about what to see in New York. Or this could be part of an explanation of some events that have occurred.
Whatever and whenever such a phrase is used, it is, fairly obviously, an abbreviation of a much longer story.
Human memory is a collection of thousands of stories we remember through experience, stories we remember by having heard them, and stories we remember by having composed them. Any story in memory could have gotten there in one of these three ways.
The key point is that, once these stories are there, they are relied upon for all that we can say and can understand. Obviously, one can't recall where one was born.
One is told the story of one's birth, and when required, one can tell others. There are many ways to tell this story, including the very short version -- "I was born in New York" -- that sounds like a mere fact instead of a story.
Such very short versions are not the results of "table-look up in memory" -- that is, finding the birthplace slot and reading its value. This may work for computers but it makes no sense psychologically. Search in human memory is a search for stories.
The linguistic expression of those stories can range widely. We can say as much or as little as we like of the story.The Fast Metabolism Diet (FMD) () is a weight loss and healthy eating book. No wheat, corn, dairy, soy, sugar, caffeine, alcohol, dried fruit or fruit juices, artificial sweeteners, fat-free “diet” foods.
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John and Abigail Adams were New Englanders who grew up . Knowledge and Memory: The Real Story* Roger C. Schank Northwestern University Robert P. Abelson Yale University In this essay, we argue that stories about one's experiences, and the experiences of others, are the fundamental constituents of human memory, knowledge, and social communication.
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